Democratic Party (DP) president Norbert Mao, 56, is a new man singing a new song.
His return to Gulu since inking a political deal with President Museveni was grand. His occasion was graced by the majestic bwola dance. Mao was then presented with symbols of power, namely a spear, shield, and a drum. He then pranced about and brandished his spear and shield in a mock fight to loud cheers from his admirers.
By his own confession, Mao seems to have molted from the old to new and had more reason than one to celebrate. His homecoming, he said, was a formality of return since joining the Cabinet. Another was to celebrate his twice close knock with death in intensive care unit in 2015 and 2016.
“Today you’re seeing a new Norbert Mao. What makes this Norbert Mao new is because he has balanced his books, looked at the assets and the liabilities and has decided that Uganda needs a new beginning.”
To reassure his critics, who have splashed mud at him as a political sellout since he hashed out a bargain with Museveni, Mao proclaimed, “I’m Norbert Mao of Gulu. I’m still the president of the Democratic Party [DP]! We’re now moving in a convoy with the National Resistance Movement [NRM party]. We’ve overtaken all other [Opposition] political parties and are now driving right next to the [NRM] bus, alongside the UPC [party]. You could say we’ve taken a bypass.”
But Mao does not say who is commanding the convoy neither their exact destination. But his message was clear, namely that his DP faction and James Akena’s UPC wing have decamped from the sluggish Opposition bandwagon, swerved off their dead-end road and have now taken a joyride on a shortcut to the dinner table at State House.
Political U-turn
As Mao confessed in his homecoming in Gulu, “I’m [now] serving in the government led by the National Resistance Movement …. I want you to know that these ministers who are here have welcomed me very warmly to the Cabinet.
But Mao’s current situation remains awkward. As his bitter critic, the Kira Municipality MP Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda, laments; Mao cannot run with hares and hunt with the hounds. He sits on the Government side, yet his MPs sit on the Opposition side in Parliament.
This leaves no doubt that Mao is in Government and not the Opposition. Given this play-script, the logical step for Mao is to reset his political positioning, walk away from the Opposition and don the NRM colour. Indeed, in Gulu, Mao plucked up courage and came closest to shedding off his green DP skin. He ditched the DP colours and opted for a black suit with a white shirt and black bow tie.
As if to redefine his newfound self, he said, “You know where I’ve been; you know my journey. All my life, I’ve been hurling missiles; verbal missiles at the Government and at the NRM party. But I’ve decided that it’s important to work together [with the NRM] – that’s the new Norbert Mao.”
Here, the old mockery of Mao as a pumpkin by Mukono Municipality MP Betty Nambooze was complete. Mao was now clearly green outside (DP) and yellow inside (NRM). But Mao was also now brave enough to sack in criticism and accept the consequences of his actions.
Playing second fiddle
“I think I’ve something useful to contribute. If others don’t appreciate it, at least President Museveni appreciates it. And I think he has enough intelligence and judgment and knowledge to decide that Norbert Mao can make a contribution.”
It was clear that Mao had accepted President Museveni as his choirmaster and himself as the lead chorister of the new song of cooperation. And Mao confirmed this, “So we started in 2021; for one year we were talking. I heard as if he [Museveni] were singing – his chorus echoing in my head – singing of unity of the country [and urging me to help him]”.
To drum up his message, Mao then chose an Acholi folklore song, themed on unity of purpose, renewal and building for the future from the old generation.
Lum ot pa adaa, lum tidi mo
anyar ma titidi
Mao konya lum tidi mo,
anyar ma titidi
Mao then reels off names of Uganda’s communities – Karamoja, Buganda, Teso, West Nile, Lango, Bunyoro, Bakonzo, Bakiga, Bugisu, which he challenges to join his mission of national unity and renewal.
The foggy succession deal
But what could’ve driven both Museveni and Mao; two long-time foes to link hands and trot to the unity ballroom dance? Gen Salim Saleh calls it an old dance of harmony, which was first waltzed between 1986 and 1996 when Mao’s predecessor, Dr Paul Ssemogerere, sealed a similar deal with NRM.
For the never-say-die Mao, many political observers had seen him as exhausted and his political career stalled, or had been caught up in the Museveni political jam of 37 years. But Mao says his deal has squarely positioned him to have a big say in the succession question and reshaping the future of Uganda.
Could it be that President Museveni, now 79, feels increasingly isolated and is in a political fix and is groping for a soft landing as the years advance on him? Or could Mr Museveni be truly interested in the broad unity of the country and finds in Mao a moderate and genuine peace-builder to pass on and secure his legacy?
Perhaps, because two former intelligence chiefs – Philip Idro and David Pulkol – and Parliament Deputy Speaker Thomas Tayebwa, all hailed Mao for embracing the new way of doing politics and putting country first. On his part, Mao says his move was to create a common ground and defuse the toxic extremism in politics and move Uganda forward.
But why should Mao choose one extreme in NRM over the opposite extreme in the Opposition, where he already belonged?
Mao says his former colleagues in the Opposition are obstructionists who are clueless and are running around in circles. But whatever the answer is; it is clear that Mao has passed the duck test as adjudged by both Museveni and his detractors, the Opposition.
Although Mao says he is firmly in DP and not in NRM, there is no need to prove he is not in the Opposition. As Emil Mazey, the secretary-treasurer of the USA Automobile Workers, once said in 1946, “I can’t prove that you’re a communist, but when I see a bird that quacks like a duck, walks like a duck, has feathers and webbed feet and associates with ducks – I’m certainly going to assume that he IS a duck.”
And this is the association of Mao with the NRM.
Mao’s Uneasy marriage
But just how comfortable is Mao in his new marriage with the NRM?
Clearly, Mao is not unaware of the openaccusations of his sell out to the to the NRM of his Acholi people, DP, and himself. Mao particularly singles out his critics in Buganda and responds. “I only have pity for those who think this was not a well-thought out move.” But Mao also quickly adds that he is ready and has been reaching out to all such critics.
So, what really is the sticking deal between Mao and President Museveni?
Mr Museveni, in his welcome letter to Mao, casts himself as a latter day dynastic successor of the Bachwezi demi-gods, who he claims had an unrivaled record of uniting and ruling over a large part of Uganda, especially Ankole, Bunyoro, Buganda, and Lango. Mr Museveni, by extension, deems as myopic anyone, who contradicts his mission to replicate this dynastic lordship over Uganda.
On his part, Mao now 56, is no longer the young man he once was, and assures, “I’ve said I know where Uganda is going because I know and I understand.” Nonetheless, other than being broad about securing the future, not for himself, neither for Museveni, but for his children and their children’s children, Mao seems uncomfortable to pronounce the pivotal deal with NRM.
He says he has already revealed 40 percent of the deal and it is now iupon President Museveni to uncover the rest. This fuzziness lends some credence to claims by MP Ssemujju that Mao’s deal is personal and not national but one struck between Mao and the Museveni family.
Nevertheless, Mao cites four key pillars of the accord, namely working together as Ugandans for a peaceful transfer of power, reviewing the mangled 1995 Constitution, forgiveness among Ugandans, and national dialogue.
Could there be some unwritten terms of the pact with Mao that President Museveni has kept close to his chest?
About this, Mao guardedly says “there are things I cannot say here, but we’re in serious conversation with the NRM.”
No doubt, Mao is smart and needs no reminder that Mr Museveni is foxy and takes only minimalist actions and negotiates as a tactical manoeuvre to trap or vanquish his adversaries. The cases are not few and closer to Mao are the failed Nairobi Peace Talks of 1985 with Gen Tito Okello, The Pece Peace Accord of 1988 with Brig Odong Latek in Gulu, the Addis Ababa Accord (1990) with former Premier Otema Allimadi, and the Juba Peace Talks of 2006 with Kony.
But when challenged on these, Mao dismissively retorts, “We’ve started a new conversation in Uganda, but don’t ask me whether we shall succeed or fail, that doesn’t bother me. The important thing is we’re moving and [are] moving in the right direction. There are many people who want power but they’re moving away from where power is.”
What surely convinces Mao that he can be an odd ball to seal a binding agreementwith Gen Museveni must be very deep. Indeed, Mao says his calculations are strategic. “An atye ka yiko oywelo ba” [strategically saving for a rainy day]. And to alley the fears of his kinsmen that he will abandon his role as their spokesman, Mao’s message was crystal as he addressed the media ahead of his D-day.
“And my message will be simple to the Acholi people – I’m here, use me … use me for whatever you want … I can be a weapon to fight for you whether for your land … but you can also be killed when you’ve a weapon if you don’t value it. And we’ve a limited time … the opportunity of a lifetime must be taken during the lifetime of the opportunity – we have an opportunity [now].”
“Let’s walk together and avoid insults and divisions. I want to promise I will serve the government faithfully as the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs.”
Again, Mao seems to have a clearer view of Uganda’s future through the bypass he and Mr Akena have chosen to travel – tailgating Museveni.
“We have some vehicles that are wasting our time on the road, so we needed to go around them to go ahead. We’re not in the [NRM] bus, but we’re in a convoy with the bus. Yiko oywelo [strategically saving for a rainy day] is not a bad thing, and that is what I did with Sebaana Kizito even as others mocked our association.”
As if to reassure Mao at the homecoming in Gulu, President Museveni, his brother Gen Salim Saleh, and ruling NRM party deputy supremo Moses Kigongo, all gave assurances that should Acholi want anything, Mao is their direct channel. Mr Kigongo read a message from gen Museveni, who in effect, declared that Mao is now the kingpin in Northern Uganda politics.
Other leaders at the event seem to have picked the cue, with many of them who spoke largely submitting to Mao. By Mao’s side at the event were also Parliament’s Deputy Speaker Thomas Tayebwa, Government Chief Whip Denis Hamson Obua, and two former Museveni spy chiefs David Pulkol and Philip Idro.
But Mao’s people have been through the same pledge script by the same playwright and same actors for far too long – 37 years – to take any such promises at face value.
Despite this awareness, Mao fixes his faith in President Museveni and his NRM government to deliver for Northern Uganda, yet it has failed for the last 37 years? Could Mao be President Museveni’s last cast of the dice to make amends with the Acholi?
Even as Mao seems optimistic for a new dawn, he is weary of his deal with Gen Museveni, whom he once labelled as a trickster and a wolf in sheepskin in a biting movie on the northern Uganda war, A brilliant genocide. Mao also sees himself as the rightful compensation for former Speaker Jacob Oulanyah, whose demise, Mao says, has left Acholi and northern Uganda unparented in the NRM government.
“Wuwek aduny pig wangwu, jami ne pe yot. Kara ma omera Speaker Oulanyah otoo, wakok!”
Mao rests his hopes on NUSAF IV, which is hinged on the long-dead terms of the 2006 Juba Peace Agreement, signed 17 years ago between the government and the Joseph Kony-led Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) rebels. Mao cites its deliverables as forgiveness and reconciliation, cattle compensation and restocking, and the bothersome issue of land grabbing in Acholi, Lango, Teso, Karamoja, Bugisu, Busoga, and Bunyoro sub-region – the parts of Uganda that have faced the biggest problems and remain poorest.
Curiously, since joining government, Mao has been dead quiet on some of these burning issues, which the people have suffered and have been only window-dressed or ignored despite ministerial and presidential orders over the years. These include stopping the influx of gangs of loggers who have left Acholiland bare by massive cutting down of tree for both charcoal and timber, the unchecked Karimojong cattle raids and killings, the land grabbing, forceful evictions and dispossession in Apaa, Lakang and in Lamwo, the Balaalo influx, their impunity and land grabbing, and the long-unsettled war debt claims.
Mao’s catch 22 situation
Mao says he doesn’t have to shout ito force the hands of Government to sort out these headaches. But where Mao now stands poses an inescapable tie-up of his fate with that of Museveni. So, to his fans, to love Mao is to love Museveni, and to hate Museveni is to hate Mao too.
This means Mao’s declaration or silence on any of these bitter issues will set his greatest tests from both sides – damned if he does and damned if he doesn’t. But Mao skirts this dilemma and says the Acholi should unite, work hard and avoid shouting out their shortcomings on social media and chanting the lame excuse of IMF – rendered as – it’s Museveni’s Fault.
Despite his brimming optimism, Mao seems to recognize his arduous task of rallying his Acholi people and the splinter DP behind NRM. Being Mao, he threatens and cajoles as well as mocks his critics.
But the feeling of bitterness and deep hurt in Acholi persists, just as the Minister for Northern Uganda, Ms Grace Freedom Kwiyucwiny, told President Museveni at a prayer rally convened by First daughter, Ms Patience Rwabogo, at Kaunda Grounds in Gulu City, last weekend.
Curiously, President Museveni recognizes this dilemma, and has apologized, taken full responsibility and asked the people of Acholi to forgive him and NRM for failures and mistakes. But Mao’s people have been through the same script by the same playwright and same actors for far too long – 37 years – to take any such regrets at face value.
Even as President Museveni was pleading with the people of Acholi to forgive him and his NRM, the same land-grabbing, forceful evictions, dispossession and killings were running unchecked in Apaa. For these, Mao, who has joined Museveni at his high table of decision-making, will receive quite some sticks for any fallout between his people and Museveni and his NRM regime.
But Mao, who says he loves a good fight and he’s strongest when underestimated, warns that he will now fight his attackers and hit hard in same rough-cut tongue.
“Anybody who is dividing our people is an enemy of the people,” he warned.
But has Mao really got his people solidly behind him?
Regrettably, in his backyard in Acholi, Mao still remains largely a crown prince without any realm as was seen at his grand homecoming. The occasion was especially colourful for indulgence – myel, mwodo and mat (dance, drinks and meats). There was no big domestic political endorsement of Mao’s walk into the NRM. His homecoming was also largely whipped by President Museveni’s ears and eyes in Acholi – Mr Odoch Olak. Mao is also aware that he commands only pathetic numbers of his party top guns, with nearly an entire Buganda caucus, the bedrock of DP, having deserted him.
As we have argued before, if Mao does not speedily retreat to build and consolidate his DP party base and regional backyard, he will walkabout in the corridors of power without any real weight in negotiating national leadership, and will remain largely a herding stick in the hands of Gen Museveni.
This will feed into the perception of Mao as a washed-out politician and only a project of Abiro, a by-name for Museveni.
As Mao rightly observed at a presser in Gulu, one can only bargain when one has capacity. But for now, Mao brings to the NRM mostly his sharp wit, name recognition, and disruptive capacity of splintering DP and the Opposition, which, of course, is a huge boost to the NRM.
It remains to be seen whether Mao will return home with anwoya or the meaty spoils of political game-hunting or with only apika or the innards, which are mere token rewards for his game-hunting with Gen Museveni.
